Humanities New York Resource Guide: NYS Women’s Suffrage Centennial

This 31-page document (click the button below to download it as a PDF) contains myriad useful resources for those interested in teaching—or learning—about the 100th anniversary of women getting the vote in New York State. It may also be of use to those already familiar with the topic, as it offers an admirably condensed overview of the various events that both public and private organizations will be staging over the course of 2017 in celebration of the centennial (see the document’s “Centennial Calendars of Events” section starting on p. 6).

The guide’s Educator Resources section contains a range of teaching materials, variously aimed at elementary school, junior high, high school, and even undergraduate students. These include:

The guide also contains a wealth of resources in addition to those meant just for teachers, including lists of books and films pertaining to suffrage and women’s rights, conversation starters, tips on how to host a speaker or a traveling exhibition, and research support. 

From the guide, a description of the organization that put the project together:

Humanities New York is bringing the people, places and ideas of the women’s suffrage movement to life. As of May 2017, Humanities New York has invested over $344K in Centennial-themed activities that explore the diversity of individuals and ideas that contributed to this grassroots movement. In particular, Humanities New York has supported projects that connect contemporary concerns (civil rights, gender diversity, equality, and civic engagement) to the history of women’s suffrage.

Suffrage Teaching Resources From the National Archives

DocsTeach, a National Archives-sponsored website of resources for teaching history, is designed to provide information and lesson plans for teachers. It may also be useful for students and others looking for primary sources on women’s rights and suffrage, however.

Likely the most useful resources for teachers are two teaching activities specifically related to suffrage. These include learning objectives, detailed lesson instructions, and extension activities. There is one lesson for high school students and one for middle schoolers. Note: There are nine more suffrage teaching activities available to those who register with the site. Registration is free and open even to those who aren’t teachers.

Additionally, the site contains:

Nearly all the documents include thorough citations and are copyright-free/public domain (although it’s worth looking at the Archives’ accessible and straightforward legal page before you use material from the site).

Some of the highlights include:

  • petition—sponsored by Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony—asking Congress to enact a law giving US women the right to vote
  • An 1888 joint Congressional resolution proposing a constitutional amendment extending voting rights to property-holding widows and spinsters—whom Elizabeth Cady Stanton half-jokingly described to Congress as “industrious, common-sense women … who love their country (having no husbands to love) better than themselves.”
  • A 1917 letter in which National Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage President Alice Wadsworth urges Congressman Charles E. Fuller to vote against the proposed 19th Amendment, which ultimately granted US women the right to vote. (You can view a NAOWS pamphlet opposing women’s voting rights here.)

Anti-Suffrage Book: Socialism, Feminism, and Suffragism; The Terrible Triplets, Connected by the Same Umbilical Cord, and Fed From the Same Nursing Bottle

Part of the NAWSA Collection of the Library of Congress, this ponderously titled book comprises about 300 pages of anti-suffrage invective. As the Library of Congress’ description puts it, “[t]his book equates feminism and woman suffrage with both socialism and atheism. According to the author, feminism and the enfranchisement of women will destroy the family. The book also suggests that pregnant women who vote run the risk of bearing ‘physically imperfect or idiotic’ children.”

The book’s dedication page offers a snapshot of its tone and worldview:

To the innumerable multitude of motherly women, who love and faithfully serve their fellowmen with a high regard for duty, with a veneration for God, respect for authority, and love for husband, home and heaven, whether such a woman is the mother of children, or whether she has been denied motherhood and bestows her motherliness upon all who are weak, distressed and afflicted.

This book is also dedicated to the man who is, in nature, a knight and protector of the weak, the defender of the good, who shrinks no responsibility, who has a paternal love of home, a patriotic affection for country, veneration for moral and religious precepts, and who has the courage to combat evil and fight for all that which is good.

Socialism, Feminism, and Suffragism is an interesting—if thoroughly dated and retrograde—screed. Though many modern readers will doubtless object to its attitude of frank paternalism, it provides worthy insight into the thinking of those who saw the push for suffrage as part of a larger and more sinister attack on the foundations of early 20th-century American society.

And Hubbard was indeed far from the only person to argue that giving women voting rights would benefit American socialists; see “The Red Behind the Yellow,” a poster attacking the suffrage movement on anti-socialist grounds.

You can read the Library of Congress’ digitized version of the book by clicking the button below, or here, via Google Books. You can purchase the book in hardcopy here, via Forgotten Books.

Max Eastman: “Early History of the Men’s League” 1912

Max Eastman, the first secretary of the Men’s League for Woman Suffrage of the State of New York, provided this essay to the suffrage publication the Woman Voter, with his creation story of the League. His successor, Robert Cameron Beadle, repeated much of this and added his own flavor to a subsequent article in the Trend, published in 1913.

Eastman recruited for the League for the better part of a year, seeking to assemble a membership of 100 prominent, influential men before the group went public. As it happened, they managed to amass 150 such names for the inaugural announcement.

Eastman also includes this account in his memoir, Enjoyment of Livingportions of which are available for free via Google Books. You can also purchase the memoir on Amazon.com, or use WorldCat to find it in a library near you.

You can read more about the role prominent men played in the women’s suffrage movement in Brooke Kroeger’s 2017 book, The Suffragents: How Women Used Men to Get the Vote.

With Hillary’s Nomination, Lots of Interest in Suffrage Movement, But Did Media Get the Facts Right?

In this essay from the Women’s Media Center, Louise Bernikow fact-checks suffrage-related claims made in the media during the 2016 election campaign. One common misconception she points out is that suffragists did not always wear white and that the media disproportionately focuses on images of suffragists wearing white; other colors and types of clothing, such as military-style outfits, were also part of branding efforts by suffragists. Bernikow argues for the need to properly contextualize complex historical movements such as the suffrage campaign.

John Stuart Mill Speech: On the Admission of Women to the Electoral Franchise

John Stuart Mill, the 19th-century British philosopher and economist best known for his writings on liberalism and utilitarianism, was also an early male advocate of women’s rights and enfranchisement.

In 1866, Mill—on behalf of two women’s rights pioneers, Emily Davies and Elizabeth Garrett Anderson—presented the House of Commons with the first mass petition in favor of women’s suffrage. The petition’s origins are described in a UK Parliament article about the document:

The Liberal philosopher John Stuart Mill MP (1806-1873) was elected MP for the City of Westminster in 1865 on a platform including votes for women. Mill’s thinking on women’s rights was influenced by his wife, Harriet Taylor Mill (1807-1858). In 1869 Mill published his famous essay “The Subjection of Women“, in favour of equality of the sexes.

In 1865 the Kensington Society was formed. A discussion group for middle-class educated women who were barred from higher education in this period, it met at the Kensington home of Indian scholar Charlotte Manning. Following a discussion on suffrage, a small informal committee was formed to draft a petition and gather signatures, led by women including Barbara Bodichon, Emily Davies and Elizabeth Garrett. Mill agreed to present the petition to Parliament provided it could get at least 100 signatures, and the first version was drafted by his step-daughter, Helen Taylor.

The petition sparked some Parliamentary interest in women’s suffrage and led, one year later, to the assembly’s first debate on the question. On May 20, 1867—the day he turned 61—Mill argued before the House of Commons that British women should be given the right to vote.

At the time, the Commons was considering the Second Reform Act, which eventually roughly doubled the size of the electorate in England and Wales by loosening the property qualifications Brits had to meet in order to vote. The legislation only applied to the Queen’s male subjects, however, so Mill devised a clever ploy: He proposed to amend the Act by replacing instances of the word “man” with “person,” a change that would have included (some) women in the mass of newly eligible voters. Though he later described as “perhaps the only really important public service I performed in the capacity as a Member of Parliament,” Mill’s amendment was defeated when put to a vote.

He had never expected it to succeed, however. Rather, Mill used the amendment as a pretext to debate the larger question of why women were not allowed to vote. He began his speech by refuting some obvious potential objections to his proposal, calling it an “extension of the suffrage which can excite no party or class feeling in this House” and “which cannot afflict the most timid alarmist with revolutionary terrors, or offend the most jealous democrat as an infringement of popular rights, or a privilege granted to one class of society at the expense of another.”

Having set these issues aside, Mill got to the heart of the matter, saying, “There is nothing to distract our attention from the simple question, whether there is any adequate justification for continuing to exclude an entire half of the community, not only from admission, but from the capability of being ever admitted within the pale of the Constitution.”

Women’s exclusion from the voter rolls, he argued, was an outrage against the idea of the British constitution’s universal applicability. It was predicated only on the basis of women’s sex, an immutable factor beyond anyone’s control, and had no equivalent in British law or common sense:

There is no other example of an exclusion which is absolute. If the law denied a vote to all but the possessors of £5,000 a year, the poorest man in the nation might—and now and then would—acquire the suffrage; but neither birth, nor fortune, nor merit, nor exertion, nor intellect, nor even that great disposer of human affairs, accident, can ever enable any woman to have her voice counted in those national affairs which touch her and hers as nearly as any other person in the nation …

…[J]ustice, though it does not necessarily require that we should confer political functions on every one, does require that we should not, capriciously and without cause, withhold from one what we give to another. As was most truly said by my right hon. Friend the Member for South Lancashire, in the most misunderstood and misrepresented speech I ever remember; to lay a ground for refusing the suffrage to any one, it is necessary to allege either personal unfitness or public danger. Now, can either of these be alleged in the present case? Can it be pretended that women who manage an estate or conduct a business—who pay rates and taxes, often to a large amount, and frequently from their own earnings—many of whom are responsible heads of families, and some of whom, in the capacity of schoolmistresses, teach much more than a great number of the male electors have ever learnt—are not capable of a function of which every male householder is capable? Or is it feared that if they were admitted to the suffrage they would revolutionize the State—would deprive us of any of our valued institutions, or that we should have worse laws, or be in any way whatever worse governed through the effect of their suffrages? No one, Sir, believes anything of the kind.

Though it failed to achieve its purported purpose of amending the Second Reform Act, Mill’s speech proved enduring, and was used in the next century by American suffragists, including in this 1912 pamphlet distributed by the Collegiate Equal Suffrage League of New York State.

You can read Mill’s entire speech to the House of Commons—complete with the responses of some of his fellow legislators—here, or you can read just Mill’s speech here.

You can download a PDF version of the original printed text of Mill’s long essay “The Subjection of Women” below, or you can access it in various digitized formats—including Kindle versions—for free here, via Project Gutenberg.

For more on the contributions of male suffragists, see Brooke Kroeger’s book The Suffragents: How Women Used Men to Get the Vote.

Op-Ed: The Suffragettes Were Rebels, Certainly, But Not Slaves

This editorial by Dr. Ana Stevenson, published on The Conversation, discusses the media controversy surrounding the 2015 film Suffragette and its use of the Emmeline Pankhurst quote, “I’d rather be a rebel than a slave.” Promotional material for the film, which stars Meryl Streep and Carey Mulligan, used Pankhurst’s words, sparking debates about racism, feminism, and historical context.

In the piece, Stevenson presents a history of antislavery and women’s rights and links this history to current discourse about intersectionality and the film. She argues that “to understand the suffragettes, we need to consider what they said and why they said it; to view them as the fallible products of their time as well as the radicals they were.”

The official trailer for Suffragette can be found below:

 

 

 

Lucy Stone’s Letters on Suffrage, Abolition, and Labor

Lucy Stone was a famous abolitionist, suffrage activist, writer, and organizer. From 1843 to 1847, Stone attended Ohio’s Oberlin College, the first US college to admit both men and women.

Two of Stone’s letters, as well as one article she wrote, are preserved in the Oberlin College Archives. Typed versions of the documents can be found on the Archives’ website. They capture some of Stone’s thinking on slavery, abolition, women’s suffrage, and the labor movement.

The first document is a letter Stone sent to her friend and fellow Oberlin alumna Antoinette Brown Blackwell in 1870. The letter concerns an effort to consolidate two suffrage organizations, the National Woman Suffrage Association and Stone’s own American Woman Suffrage Association, despite their divergent political views. Stone urges Blackwell to attend a meeting to prevent this consolidation, though she does not fully explain her motive for doing so in the letter itself. The context for the letter is that Stone and Blackwell opposed suffragists like Elizabeth Cady Stanton, founder of the National Woman Suffrage Association. Stanton was not an abolitionist and opposed the 15th Amendment giving black people voting rights. Stone, then, wanted to prevent merging with Stanton’s organization, which would Stone felt would “besmirch” her own group.

The second document is an excerpt from an article Stone wrote about the women’s suffrage movement for an Oberlin publication. In it, Stone laments the fact that women and Confederate leader Jefferson Davis are now equal in the sense that neither can vote. She concludes by writing, “I stand here in Oberlin begging pardon for going beyond the limit of my subject to say, O men who have been so wise, so kind, and so just to women, take one step more and help lift us from peerage with Jefferson Davis.”

The third document is a letter about the Homestead Strike, when unionized workers went on strike at a Carnegie Steel Company plant. Carnegie brought in private security guards from the Pinkerton National Detective Agency to break the strike, but their presence sparked a firefight with the striking workers. Stone expresses some conservative views, including this one regarding immigrant women’s hypothetical eligibility to vote: “When I saw what ‘furies’ the women made of themselves at the time of the Pinkerton slaughter it seems to me we must claim that women who are to vote must have been 21 years in the country first. In the time they may, free from old world ideas, have learned some self-control.”

The Oberlin College Archives website provides more historical context on Stone’s letters. You can view a timeline of Stone’s life, also courtesy of Oberlin, here.

Race, Gender, and the Fight for Votes for Women: W.E.B. Du Bois On Suffrage

W.E.B. Du Bois, one of the most important early 20th century US scholars and activists, is best known as a key figure in the the fight for African-Americans’ civil rights. But he was also a prominent supporter of the women’s suffrage movement, and used the magazine he edited, the NAACP’s The Crisis: A Record of the Darker Races, to advance the movement for women’s voting rights.

In the pages of the Crisis, between 1911 to 1920, Du Bois published essays, commentary—his own and others’—and compiled symposia from leading women’s suffrage advocates, both black and white. The magazine also highlighted fierce debates in the black community over support for suffrage, as well as controversies over race within the women’s suffrage movement.

In one October 1911 editorial (click here and go to page 243), Du Bois took aim at Anna Howard Shaw, the president of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, or NAWSA, who had asserted publicly that all African-Americans opposed suffrage, and that the suffrage movement should “not touch the Negro problem” because it would “offend the South.” Du Bois’ riposte was that the suffrage movement’s lack of support for civil rights was hypocritical, and that it undermined American democracy. 

In a March 1912 article (click here and go to page 195), Du Bois quotes from a resolution he submitted to NAWSA, which argues that blacks and women were “fighting the same battle” for voting rights and should therefore be in solidarity with one another. 

An August 1912 piece (click here and go to page 234) makes the case that “votes for women means votes for black women”—and that women’s suffrage would increase the black voting population.

And in August 1915, Du Bois’ Crisis published (click here and go to page 178) a symposium of articles by “leading thinkers of colored America” in favor of suffrage. 

For more on Du Bois’ thinking on suffrage as exhibited in Crisis, see Garth E. Pauley’s work in the Journal of Black Studies (accessible through JStor here) and Jean Fagan Yellin’s article in The Massachusetts Review (also accessible through JStor).

Brooke Kroeger’s book The Suffragents: How Women Used Men to Get the Vote also has more on the Crisis and women’s suffrage. See: pp. 81, 90-91, 124-126, 150, 162, 165, 172.

Lastly, pages 289-290 and 369-70 in David Levering Lewis’ book W.E.B. Du Bois: Biography of a Race discuss Du Bois and the women’s movement for voting rights.

Here’s a linked list of Crisis editorials on women’s suffrage:

October 1911, pp. 243-244.

March 1912, pp. 195-196.

June 1912, pp. 76-77.

August 1912, pp. 181-182.

September 1912, p. 234.

May 1913, p. 29.

August 1914, pp.179-180.

April 1915, p. 285.

August 1915, pp. 177-192.

February 1915, p. 182.

November 1915, pp. 29-30.

November 1917, p. 8.

March 1920, p. 234.

 

Historical Connections: The Weird Familiarity of 100-Year-Old Feminism Memes

This 2016 Atlantic article by Adrienne LaFrance links today’s political memes to suffrage and anti-suffrage propaganda imagery from the early 20th century. LaFrance argues that politics often clashes with gender norms, particularly when women and women’s issues are poised to make history—such as when women were fighting to get the vote or when Hillary Clinton was running for president. Both the images of yesterday (pamphlets, postcards, posters, and the like) and images of today (memes) often rely on humor to either support or oppose women’s role in politics.

You can find many examples of suffrage-era propaganda of the sort LaFrance describes in the Catherine H. Palczewski Suffrage Postcard Archive.