New York Times Letters: Should Women Have the Vote in New York State?

In 1915, the usually anti-suffrage New York Times produced a six-page supplement for its readers, bannered at the top of every page with the words: “Should Women Have the Vote in New York State?” The Times published the piece after the New York State Legislature decided to put a suffrage referendum to the popular vote in the upcoming November election. The feature, which comprised six essays in letters-to-the-editor format, included the views of major suffrage and anti-suffrage figures.

Despite a passionate, rousing campaign conducted in the streets, in lecture and concert halls, and in the media, the November 1915 referendum failed and did not come up again for consideration by the state’s all-male electorate until November 1917, when it passed.

You can find out more about the 1915 New York State referendum here, and you can read about Puck magazine’s milestone suffrage issue—produced as part of the push to approve the referendum—here

George Creel, “Chivalry Versus Justice”

Until April of 1917, when George Creel became the head of the Committee on Public Information as the United States entered World War I, he was an active member of the Men’s League for Woman Suffrage, serving as its publicity chairman. The willingness of well-known male journalists like Creel to take their support for suffrage public through the press and the magazines—he did both—was key to the movement’s growing support in the final decade of the campaign. In this piece, Creel counters a prevailing conception women’s position in society. “There is the bland theory of vine clad cottages and dense walls of fragrant honeysuckle, behind which every right thinking woman sits in security surrounded by her babes,” he wrote. “What of the squalid holes in 13,000 licensed tenements in New York alone?”

Creel had advanced a similar argument in a letter to the editor of the New York Times a year earlier, in response to a statement he heard at an anti-suffrage meeting, a contention that winning the ballot would mean the disintegration of the home. “Home? What home?” Creel asked rhetorically in his letter of response. “Surely they cannot mean the dark, squalid holes in the 13,000 licensed tenements in New York City alone, where whole families and adult boarders sleep, eat, and work in a single room, toiling incredible hours for incredible pittances.”

“Chivalry Versus Justice” was also printed in the magazine Pictorial Review. To find a nearby library where you can access the Pictorial Review issue it appeared in, click here. Downloads of the pamphlet and Creel’s letter can be found below, along with the link to the letter to the editor in the New York Times archive.

“‘Homes,’ Mr. Creel Wants to Know Which Ones Suffragism Threatens.” New York Times, April 18, 1914, p. 10.

The Catherine H. Palczewski Suffrage Postcard Archive

This website provides a virtual tour of my archive of suffrage postcards. It is meant to provide a resource for scholars researching the visual images associated with the struggle for women’s suffrage in both the United States and Great Britain. These images have been collected by me and my partner, Arnie Madsen, PhD, over the last 15 years.

Feel free to use these images for non-commercial purposes, but please remember to provide attribution by indicating where you found them.

See also “War on women: Propaganda postcards from suffragette era show fierce battle fought by American women to get the vote… and Obama can thank them for his job,” an article about the collection by Helen Pow in the London Daily Mail of November 21, 2012 with a display of choice selections this “sobering collection of anti-feminist propaganda.” Postcard images from the Daily Mail article are below, along with more from a post on dangerousminds.net, published December 11, 2014.

C-SPAN Video: The Role of the Media in Women’s Suffrage

C-Span offers the video and a transcript of this event. The video is also embedded below.

A panel of journalists, authors, and academics gathered at the National Press Club in 2013 at an event honoring the 100th Anniversary of the 1913 Women’s Suffrage March on Washington, DC. On the panel, moderated by Eleanor Clift, were Jill. D. Zahniser, author of Alice Paul: Claiming Power; Erika Falk, author of Women for President: Media Bias in Nine Campaigns; and Rosalyn Terborg-Penn, author of African American Women in the Struggle for the Vote, 1850-1920.

The panelists discussed the role of the media in the women’s suffrage movement, how newspapers became the locus of much of the debate over women’s rights, and how the press both helped and hurt the cause.

A Broadside: Mission Statement of the National Men’s League for Woman Suffrage of 1912

Here is a broadside of the mission statement of the National Men’s League for Woman Suffrage, an organization of thousands of influential men across thirty five states from 1909-1919. It is attributed to the League’s president, James Lees Laidlaw, a New York financier, scion of Laidlaw & Company, and member of the board of directors of what became Standard & Poor’s. He was also, not coincidentally, the husband of Harriet Burton Laidlaw, one of the major figures of the last decade of the suffrage movement in New York State. The only known copy of the statement was found in a column by playwright George Middleton, reprinted in the May 17, 1912 issue of the St. John’s Globe, New Brunswick, CA. Middleton was the “suffrage husband” of actress and suffragist Fola LaFollette.

Here is a post about the mission statement for the Good Men Project by Brooke Kroeger, author of The Suffragents: How Women Used Men to Get the Vote. Both the broadside and the Middleton column are appended below.

Harriot Stanton Blatch: Why Suffragists Will Parade on Saturday

On May 3, 1912, just ahead of the third annual New York Woman Suffrage Day parade, the New York Tribune carried a front page essay by Harriot Stanton Blatch, the daughter of suffrage pioneer Elizabeth Cady Stanton and one of the movement’s foremost figures in her own right. In it, Stanton Blatch explains why the suffrage movement was investing so heavily in spectacle.

“Logic and sermons never convince,” she wrote, borrowing Walt Whitman’s phrase. “Emotions do. So do music and marching groups of people, far more than the most careful argument.” Parades demonstrate strength in numbers, organizing ability, “and that we have a sense of form and color.” Parades also have news value, which “feeds the enthusiasm of our army” and generates great publicity. “Look at our press,” she wrote, “note the space it is giving to the May 4 demonstration, and surely the question is answered why we have a parade.”

You can view a digitized copy of the Tribune issue containing Stanton Blatch’s essay here. You can find archived Tribune issues from 1866-1924 here, via the Library of Congress  this link, and as a download (see below).

Making the News: Votes for Women and the Mainstream Press

Free first page

The Wisconsin Press and Woman Suffrage, 1911-1919: An Analysis of Factors Affecting Ten Diverse Newspapers

In this article, Elizabeth V. Burt describes a study in which she examined 10 Wisconsin newspapers’ coverage during six separate weeks in which important suffrage events took place. In particular, she examines various factors that might have influenced how the papers covered the movement for women’s suffrage, and whether it can be said that they manifested a sort of uniform “mainstream press” ideology.

The following article excerpt comes via Questia:

This study combines quantitative and qualitative methods in its analysis of ten Wisconsin newspapers during six week-long periods in which a significant woman suffrage event took place. It attempted to identify those factors that might have influenced individual newspapers’ coverage of the suffrage movement, including the personal positions of their publishers and editors, their political affiliations, the demographic characteristics of their readership area, circulation size, place of publication, and sources of the stories they published on suffrage. The study found that these examples of the “mainstream press,” far from representing a united ideological voice, represented a diversity of voices influenced, in part, by these factors.

Scholarship has often approached the American press as a monolithic institution. Content and qualitative analyses examining press coverage of specific events and issues often proceed from an unstated assumption that the press, often referred to as the “mainstream press” or the “general circulation press,” represents a united ideological voice in American society.

This author suggests that even after the rise of the mass circulation press in the 1890s, the American general circulation press was far from monolithic. Newspapers in the early decades of the twentieth century continued to reflect a wide range of political, geographic, economic, ethnic, professional, technological, and commercial characteristics. Likewise, newspaper publishers, editors, and reporters reflected a wide range of personal, political, and professional skills, motivations, and interests, which certainly influenced the way they pursued their profession. It might be concluded, therefore, that a particular newspaper’s coverage of issues or events would be affected by any of these factors and that the general circulation press, rather than representing a single monolithic bloc, could be expected to act as many voices.

This author tested this premise by studying the coverage of a particular issue—woman suffrage—by a score of general circulation newspapers, each representing widely different characteristics. This is an unusual approach in that content analyses typically focus on coverage of an event or issue by one particular news outlet, several examples of a single news medium, two or more different forms of the media, or examples of mainstream and alternative press.

In selecting newspapers for the study, the author proceeded from the hypothesis that factors such as demographic characteristics of the readership, political affiliation, geographic location and circulation size of the newspaper, and individual characteristics of newspaper editors and publishers would likely influence newspaper coverage of any issue. The central question to this study was, simply, “What factors might affect a newspaper’s coverage of woman suffrage?”

Hypotheses

This study examined how the Wisconsin press covered the suffrage movement between 1911-1919—a period during which suffrage mobilization and legislative activity were at their peak—with the goal of identifying those factors that might have influenced that coverage. It was expected, for example, that newspapers with pro-suffrage editors or publishers would print pro-suffrage editorials and sympathetic news copy and vice versa. When political parties took positions for or against the reform, it was expected that newspapers affiliated with them would reflect their platform. Finally, newspapers published in communities with a large German ethnic population, with a strong membership in the Catholic and Lutheran churches, or with strong economic ties to the brewing industry—all groups vehemently opposed to the reform—were expected to reflect their anti-suffrage position.

This study also examined how a newspaper’s coverage might be related to its methods of gathering and producing news, which might be determined by the newspaper’s circulation size and its place of publication …

The article is also available online for payment or through your local library, with full access options, via Sage Journals.

DOI:10.1177/107769909607300309

Suffrage as News: Ten Dailies’ Coverage of the Nineteenth Amendment

The following abstract comes from EBSCO:

The article presents an analysis on the national coverage of the woman’s suffrage movement and the enactment of the Nineteenth Amendment in the U.S. It mentions that the said amendment focused on the tone of and the prominence given to both. It provides examinations on newspapers and magazines towards the progress of the amendment following debates on it advantages and disadvantages. It notes questions regarding the prominence of suffrage on the news agenda and its portrayal as either negative, long overdue or neutral.

Accession No.: 74969844

The abstract and availability at your local library are linked here via EBSCO 

TandFOnline has the first page displayed and means of access. If your local library does not have this, you may also be able to request a scan through Interlibrary Loan.

DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08821127.1983.10731004

 

Archive: Suffrage Resources of the National Woman’s Party

The National Woman’s Party collection at the Belmont-Paul Women’s Equality National Monument in Washington, DC has a vast collection of books, periodicals, cartoons, scrapbooks, artifacts, and ephemera from the NWP’s history.  As the site describes its collection on its homepage:

The National Woman’s Party (NWP) collection housed at the Belmont-Paul Women’s Equality National Monument is an important resource for the study of the suffrage movement and the campaign for the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA). This unique collection, including the nation’s first feminist library, documents the mass political movement for women’s full citizenship in the 20th century, both in the United States and throughout the world. The collection contains books, scrapbooks, political cartoons, textiles, photographs, organizational records, fine arts, decorative arts, and artifacts produced primarily by women, about women.

The extensive holdings outline the history of the militant wing of the women’s movement in the United States, documenting the strategies and tactics of the movement, demonstrating the use of visual images as effective publicity tactics in a pre-electronic age, and revealing the international work of the National Woman’s Party in its historic quest for complete equality for American women.

You can read more about the tactics and techniques of the NWP here.